America keeps mistaking Black children for threats

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An NAACP flyer campaigning for the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill, which passed the U.S. House of Representatives in 1922, but was filibustered to defeat in the Senate. Dyer, the NAACP, and freedom fighters around the country, like Flossie Baily, struggled for years to get the Dyer and other anti-lynching bills passed, to no avail. Today there is still no U.S. law specifically against lynching. In 2005, eighty of the 100 U.S. Senators voted for a resolution to apologize to victims' families and the country for their failure to outlaw lynching. Courtesy of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).
Some Exhibits to Come – One Hundred Years of Jim Crow
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Bibliography – One Hundred Years Of Jim Crow
Claude, age 23, just months before his 1930 murder. Courtesy of Faith Deeter.
Freedom’s Heroes During Jim Crow: Flossie Bailey and the Deeters
Souvenir Portrait of the Lynching of Abram Smith and Thomas Shipp, August 7, 1930, by studio photographer Lawrence Beitler. Courtesy of the Indiana Hisorical Society.
An Iconic Lynching in the North
Lynching Quilt
Claxton Dekle – Prosperous Farmer, Husband & Father of Two
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What I Saw Aboard a Slave Ship in 1829
Arno Michaels
Life After Hate: A Former White Power Leader Redeems Himself

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Cyrus Carmack-Belton

Cyrus Carmack-Belton. That was the name of the 14-year-old Black boy in South Carolina chased, shot and killed after being accused of stealing bottled water from a gas station store. A jury recently acquitted the store owner in his death.

Even now, as the protests continue, the facts sit there with a kind of unbearable plainness. A child. Water. A chase. A gun. Then, as always, the familiar ritual: The softening of responsibility, the stretching of fear into reason, the quiet insistence that what happened was somehow too complicated for common sense to hold.

But there is nothing confusing about the pattern

Black people are so often treated as suspect before they are treated as human, and Black boys occupy a particularly brutal place inside that arrangement. They are denied softness early. Denied innocence early. Denied the ordinary grace of being young. By the time the public is asked to look at a dead Black boy, it already has been trained to search him for danger, as if childhood were something he should have had to prove.

There is something obscene about how predictable this has become. A Black child dies, and before grief is even allowed to settle, the excuses begin gathering around the body. Fear is offered up like an altar. Suspicion becomes a kind of moral currency. And somehow, again, the burden shifts toward explaining why the child was there, how he moved, what he looked like, whether he seemed threatening enough to make violence feel reasonable. It is a cruel kind of alchemy, the way Black death is so often transfigured into someone else’s fear story.

That is why the line from Cyrus Carmack-Belton to Trayvon Martin to Emmett Till is not dramatic. It is historical. These deaths belong to the same long sentence. Black children are seen through suspicion first, and Black boys especially are stripped of childhood before they are even old enough to understand what has been taken. Emmett Till was not murdered because he was dangerous. He was murdered because danger has long been imagined onto Black children, and once that imagination takes hold, punishment arrives dressed as protection.

The steady social lesson that tells Black boys to make themselves hard enough to survive is the same lesson that then turns around and punishes them for the hardness it helped create.

Keep reading about how the language changes by the wound does not.

Learn more about the adultification bias that contributes to these behaviors.

More news about the Black experience.

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